Track 1: Social Europe: Equality and Poverty

Discussion with:
Christian Welz, Eurofound
Agnes Akkermann, University of Groningen and Radboud University
Guy Van Gyes, KU Leuven
Maria da Paz Campos Lima, University Institute of Lisbon, DINÂMIA’CET – IUL
Oscar Molina, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona

Objective

The objective of the meeting is to present and debate recent Eurofound research on industrial relations (in particular, quantitative analysis of industrial relations to compare national IR systems and explore national clusters); and to explore the prospects for collective industrial relations in Europe in the next decade with academic and other experts. The context for the proposal is the commitment in Eurofound’s work programme to publish a “Flagship” report in 2020, highlighting the work conducted in the field of industrial relations in the four-year programme 2017-20. The workshop would provide feedback on the work in progress.

Contents

The workshop would have two main parts. Following introductions, the first part would focus on Eurofound’s research to map, compare and cluster industrial relations systems. This work has identified four “key dimensions” of industrial relations (industrial democracy, competitiveness, social justice and the quality of work and employment) established a set of indicators and identified data sources to measure national systems using this framework and to develop a typology of industrial relations systems as a basis for comparison across countries and over time. Findings will be presented, commented and discussed .

The second part of the workshop would address possible future developments in collective industrial relations. Following a brief presentation of preparations for Eurofound’s Flagship report on IR, an expert panel would discuss scenarios for the next ten years (erosion/managed decline; collapse; rejuvenation). The panel would be structured around topics such as the representativeness of IR actors and the role of new actors, innovation in collective bargaining, the role of public authorities, and whether we will see convergence or divergence in Europe. This would be followed by open discussion.

• Measuring varieties of industrial relations in Europe: A quantitative analysis
• Mapping key dimensions of industrial relations
• Mapping varieties of industrial relations: Eurofound’s analytical framework applied

An interplay between gender equality and gig economy in the European Union

Neha Vyas, Goethe University Frankfurt

Women are sometimes compelled to accept precarious work because they have to cater to the unpaid care work which stems from family obligations.  Precarious work which includes part time work, agency work, etc. is more prevalent amongst women, by default, than it is among men. There are a lot of issues faced by non standard employment/ atypical work workers as compared to workers in full time/standard employment and since women are more likely to accept such employment it is more gendered in nature. There is a need to look into the labour law policy through a feminist perspective not only to improve the conditions of women in non standard employment but moving from precarious work to full time work by making work conditions suitable for women.

Gig economy might be the necessary solution for women who can possibly transition from unemployment to employment without disturbing the male breadwinner –female care giver model. Women, especially from the urban, educated and skilled background; are rapidly resorting to the online platforms for work instead of the full time employment. There might be various reasons for accepting such employment but the reality remains that such employment is classified as atypical work thereby making it precarious in nature.  The problems faced by precarious workers, mostly women, are still at large irrespective of the platform of work. Therefore, it is imperative to regulate such precarious work in the gig economy as well.

The evolution of work from the traditional platform to the digital platform also calls for a diversification in the legislation, especially laws related to labour protection. Moreover, it has become important to understand the relationship between gig economy and gender which is still at a nascent stage. Policymakers all over the world are still trying to determine the status to be attributed to the employees working in the gig economy. This question regarding the categorization, in itself is posing a lot of questions in various jurisdictions, including the European Union. The European Union has already initiated the work to accommodate the social protection for gig economy workers to comply with the European pillar of social rights. Despite of this, it shall be understood that social protection in most of the European member nations focuses immensely towards full time workers or full time open ended contracts. Therefore, when it comes to social protection of women in the labour market, they end up facing three layered discrimination namely, gender, interracial and precarious nature of the work.

Some employers might deliberately adopt the technique of hiring women on contract basis as gig workers just so that they can avoid the hassle of putting mechanisms into place relating to anti discrimination or  just because of their inability to tolerate or allocate various benefits or they need to comply with while hiring female workers. Therefore, “the Switch,” from the traditional to digital platform, should be the choice of the woman and not the last resort due to the lack of proper redressal mechanisms by the company.

There is also a need to look into the aspect of gender pay gap. The question of gender pay gap is still at large even on the traditional platform and would now be transmitted to digital platform. There is a possibility that women workers can fare better on the digital platform but the profiling of the workers, takes into consideration the gender and age of the workers, which might lead to inherent gender discrimination. Despite of anonymity, there are certain male dominated services and advanced technological services for which women are not preferred. This leads to discrimination on the digital platform and makes women vulnerable, thereby bringing stagnation in the position of women when it comes to pay gap based on gender.

Furthermore, even if the woman chooses to work on the digital platform, it puts her on lower pedestal for promotion. Given the uncertainty of gig economy, position of women working on such platform is at par with the other precarious workers in the traditional platform. Therefore, when it comes to promotion or increase in remuneration or any other improvement in the conditions of the women workers, they would be devoid of such benefits thereby leading to fewer women at the top level management. As it is, the number of women at the management level all over the world is less; this issue will also remain unresolved if correct mechanisms are not put in place. Therefore, even the question related to glass ceiling remains unanswered.

Zero hour contracts, contractual employment etc. are mostly taken up by the vulnerable sections of the society, meaning young women or students, which generally go by the norm of hire and fire policies with no guarantee of absorption into the full time employment. This makes their jobs precarious in nature. For this reason, European Commission should formulate a policy which lessens the element of uncertainty by providing them with required protection in the labour market.

The methodology for the paper shall be doctrinal and the approach shall be analytical in nature with the focus on European Union as a jurisdictional aspect. This paper shall analyse various issues relating to gender in light of the emerging trend of gig economy. Moreover, there shall be an analysis of existing policies on gig economy as far as women employees are concerned, steps taken by the European commission for the same and improvements or changes which can be proposed for the betterment of such policies. The main question, however, to be addressed, in this paper, would be whether “the Switch” from traditional economy to digital economy could be devised in a way beneficial to the women at large in the European Union labour market, thereby striving towards gender equality.

Keywords: Gig economy, Women, European Union, Precarious Employment

Jill Rubery, The University of Manchester

This paper draws on  work undertaken for ACTRAV, the trade union section of the ILO, to  develop a framework for understanding the  contributions of trade unions and collective bargaining  to closing the gender pay gap.  The key argument developed, drawing on the current state of knowledge  with respect to international comparative evidence, is that gender pay equality is more likely to be achieved within inclusive and egalitarian labour markets. Trade unions and collective regulation are shown to be central to both the development of inclusive labour markets and to the pursuit of gender pay equality. By focusing on this dual function of collective representation, the vital input of trade unions to the closing of the gender pay gap can be identified.

The first part of the framework  identifies the impact of more exclusive labour markets  on gender specific risks of inequality where exclusive labour markets are considered to include not only those dominated by managerial prerogative but also those where trade unions and collective bargaining mainly protect more advantaged and male groups. For  more inclusive labour markets it is argued that it matters not only that collective bargaining coverage is wide but also that inter-sectoral and inter-firm differentials are narrow to limit devaluation of female-dominated sectors and reduce incentives for outsourcing. Complementary policies to promote inclusive labour markets are also required such as transparency, socially-responsible outsourcing, public sector bargaining rights but individual countries may take somewhat different paths towards more inclusivity, dependent on its employment relations systems and trajectory.  The second element to the framework identifies how the effectiveness of specific gender equality measures (revaluation of female-dominated sectors,  gender sensitive job evaluation and gender pay audits) is affected by  the context of inclusive or exclusive labour markets. In exclusive labour markets equality measures might be undermined by stronger ripple effects to restore differentials between low and high wage workers. Gender sensitive job evaluation schemes are more likely to be effective where wage differentials are narrower in general;  gender equality law only provides for equal pay for equal value, allowing scope for large differentials between male-dominated and female-dominated grades even where differences in the value of the work are marginal. Further In exclusive labour markets, raising women’s internal pay grading could lead to outsourcing of female jobs to cheaper providers. Gender pay reports or audits have been found to be more effective when trade unions are involved in monitoring and scrutiny. Moreover, where pay systems are transparent and based around job grading, the causes of gender pay differences can be identified more easily than when pay is individualised and market-based.

This dual strategy for trade union action is then applied to understanding the  potential practices  that trade unions are adopting and could adopt at different levels- international, national, sectoral, company- for promoting inclusive labour markets  and for promoting gender equality. Thus the framework enables trade unions to point to the importance of collectively-determined, regulated and transparent wage setting systems for providing the type of wage-setting environment in which gender pay equity can be enhanced. At the same time it can also be used to identify where more efforts  are needed to, for example,  remove any gender inequality embedded within existing collectively-bargained wage structures.

To illustrate the need for  action at all levels of union structures, at international, national, sectoral and local  levels to close the gender pay gap through the dual strategy of promoting inclusive and gender equal  wage structures, three specific examples are examined.

The first  considers action to improve women’s position  in global supply chain, often located at the bottom of the supply chain ladder. Coordinated actions are found to be needed across different levels of trade unions. Global initiatives are growing in importance as the number of Global Framework Agreements rise and extend into female-dominated sectors but global level action needs supporting by sectoral and local trade union action to improve sector-level and country-level wage standards in female-dominated sectors and to ensure enforcement of  such standards.

The second example is action in the public sector where women tend to be disproportionately represented. Here three types of actions were considered: remedying the long term undervaluation in some countries of public services work, further exacerbated by recent austerity measures; developing sector-wide gender sensitive job evaluation systems or promoting gender equality through follow up to gender equality audits; and inserting social clauses in public sector outsourcing to reduce the use of outsourcing of female-dominated jobs to the lower paying private sector.

The third case explored the impact of extending and raising the wage floor as a strategy for  improving the pay of women workers through the specific case of domestic workers a previously excluded group. Trade union action at all levels was found again to be important, internationally in campaigning for the ILO standards and instruments on domestic workers, nationally in promoting the legitimacy of legal protections and ensuring their observation in practice. Organising domestic workers remains a challenge but the increased formalisation of  domestic work should provide a platform on which unions can build to establish sectoral collective bargaining.

These types of actions to close the gender pay gap are argued also to provide  an agenda for trade union renewal and development. A focus on closing the gender pay gap potentially extends trade union interests into new areas, as in the case of  domestic workers, provides  new perspectives on inequalities, as for example revealed by the  unequal  value distribution within global supply chains, and challenges  often long established undervaluation of female-dominated occupations within public services. Moreover a stronger focus on women’s representation and interests within trade unions should bring in new talent and energy into the trade union movement. Concerted multi-level actions to close the gender pay gap thus can be considered not an optional extra but an essential part of strategies for trade union renewal in the changing employment landscape.

How European macro-economic policy shapes Belgian social partners’ (in)action for gender equality

Veronika Lemeire, Hasselt University
Patrizia Zanoni, Hasselt University

This article investigates social partners’ action for gender equality in national industrial relations over six decades of European economic and monetary integration. Theoretically drawing on the gender equality bargaining and the European industrial relations literatures, we analyse the historical evolution of gender equality outcomes of Belgian social dialogue from 1960 to 2018. The empirical study consists of a longitudinal analysis of Belgian intersectoral social dialogue, drawing on multiple data sources including social partners declarations and agreements, a wide range of secondary documents (e.g. trade union documents, European union documents, policy documents), and 17 in-depth expert interviews with trade union and relevant employers’ representatives and public institutional actors.

We identify five periods characterized by distinct kinds of gender equality outcomes: in a first period (1960-1976), as a result of the European Treaty of Rome, equal pay between men and women is gradually recognized as a principle for sectoral and enterprise wage negotiations and in the setting of a gender neutral minimum wage. In a second period (1977-1985), the government unilaterally imposes wage restraint and labour flexibility in the context of the European-wide crisis of Keynesian labour market policy. In a third period (1986-1997), guided by European voluntaristic gender equality programmes, Belgian social partners participate in positive action plans with the aim of promoting women’s employment and introduce a specific contribution to fund flexible child care initiatives. European economic and social policy at the change of the millennium (1998-2008), leads towards the introduction of a range of measures to reconcile work and private life while gender-neutral function classifications are encouraged to combat the gender pay gap. In the last period (2009-2018), under pressure of European austerity that imposes state budget restraint, the previously introduced  reconciliation measure of career breaks is gradually reduced in scope and the consideration for gender equality in social dialogue becomes marginal. In the same period, the Belgian Parliament adopts a law to combat the gender pay gap through intersectoral, sectoral and company social dialogue, though its implementation is undermined by the state imposed wage freeze that aims to restore the competitiveness of the Belgian economy in relation to its neighbour states. Our analysis shows that the gender outcomes of national social dialogue are influenced simultaneously by the European gender equality policy and the European macro-economic policy. In particular, the European shift towards competitive corporatism – concerted wage and labour cost competition between member states -fundamentally conflicts with the goal of gender pay equality, as the negotiated upgrading of women wages to repair institutionalised gender pay inequalities is constrained by wage restraint rules. Our study contributes to the current literature on gender equality bargaining by showing the key role of European economic and monetary integration, as mediated by the state, in determining gender equality outcomes of national bargaining in a coordinated market economy.

Keywords: gender equality bargaining, intersectoral agreements, neoliberal transformation, social dialogue, coordinated market economies, Belgian industrial relations, European integration

Which way out of poor work in the informal sector?

Guglielmo Meardi, Scuola Normale Superiore

Concerns with the regulation of ‘poor work’ in a context of declining collective bargaining coverage have been growing in the last decades, resulting in the introduction of national minimum wages in countries that did not have them (UK, Germany) and campaigns for generous increases in their levels (especially in the USA). The use of individual legal rights, decoupled from collective self-regulation tools, may however meet problems of legitimacy and enforcement, and increases in the levels of minimum wage might increase non-compliance, resulting in more informal forms of work. The paper addresses this issue by looking at the reactions of non-compliant small firms to the introduction of the National Living Wage in the UK in 2016, which involved a substantial increase of the minimum wage and new enforcement mechanisms. Drawing on 22 mostly longitudinal case studies of small non-compliant firms in the Birmingham area, involving interviews with both employers and employees across time, the paper addresses the finding of overwhelming continuity in non-compliance despite regulatory and economic changes. By detecting institutional sources of such continuity, as well as some factors behind the rare cases of transition to compliance, the paper proposes that non-compliant managerial practices are unlikely to be by transformed by legal regulations alone, but are susceptible to be affected in labour supply changes, and in particular better information and socialization of workers in the low-pay segments of the labour market. Implications are drawn for both labour market and immigration policy.

Care home workers falling through the safety net?

Jereme Snook, Sheffield Hallam University
Julie Prowse, University of Bradford
Peter Prowse, Sheffield Hallam University
Michael Whittall, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg

» Full paper: ilera-2019-paper-290-Snook.pdf

Introduction

This paper presents longitudinal research conducted into awareness of, and attitudes towards, the UK National Minimum Wage (NMW) as seen through the perspectives and experiences of care homes workers in the North of England. The Care Act (2014) changed the delivery of social care and local government (now commission) rather than to provide care. In the UK the major care home service is delivered by a range of private companies and providers, whose workforce are mainly support/care workers paid on the national living wage pay rates (Grant Thornton, 2014). The paper also reports upon the variation of care workers’ employment contractual rights caused by transfers of ownership (TUPE) of these care homes. The Low Pay Commission (LPC) has expressed concern about the reduction in local government funding to pay national minimum wage rates (Low Pay Commission, 2015: 216; Gardiner and Hussein, 2015; Unison, 2015).

The paper’s findings add to knowledge about the significance of a NMW to care workers and their families, focussing upon the insecurities articulated by these workers caused by the sometimes rapid changes in ownership regimes in the care homes industry. These changes cause understandable concerns about job security for care workers and pose questions about the long-term viability of the care homes model in the UK economy. The precarious nature of this work presents its own questions too about the efficacy of TUPE rules and regulations (as amended) as applied to industry and, specifically in this paper, to care home workers. TUPE rules can sometimes be presented as a ‘safety net’ to workers faced by changes in care home ownership. This paper charts developments that place in doubt the sustainability of the ‘safety net’ because of a lack of precision in the TUPE rules, coupled to the ability of business owners to vary employment contracts that threaten to undermine worker rights.

The paper is timely because it resonates with contemporary debates about establishing workers rights in the ‘gig’ economy, also the significance of the NMW and its presentation as a Living Wage (LW) by Government in a time of austerity, which together now forms part of a general literature on low wages and sustainability of income (see, for example, Prowse et al. 2016 and 2017). The structure of this paper is as follows. We present the methodology employed to explore how care home workers in the North of England have encountered variations in their employment terms, conditions and pay rates often triggered by imminent transfers in ownership in specific homes and businesses. The findings of the data and the analysis are then presented followed by conclusions and recommendations in the paper itself.

Methods

The interviews were conducted with care home sector workers in the Yorkshire Region (UK) in March 2018. The interviewees were approached via networks with the Care Home Companies, and GMB (Trade union) union officers’ access to meet care workers at work.

Seventeen semi-structured interviews with care workers via face-to-face and pre-arranged telephone conversations whilst off duty and away from the care homes premises ranged across a cross section of skills, ages, occupation and experiences. We examined the working conditions of care home workers, specifically pay rates, shifts, caring duties and responsibilities, training requirements and career paths all making demands upon their working environment and developing changing attitudes towards work. This primary data is supported by interview and ad hoc commentary in form of the secondary data from GMB officials in the field operating in an advisory capacity to the care home workers as part of a wider campaign to increase membership and to embed the NMW in both the public and private sectors (see for similar campaigns, for example, Prowse et al, 2016). Central to the paper are the care home workers’ awareness of the NMW, the experiences related to it and impact upon them. We included questions about care workers knowledge of the NMW and UK and EU law, specifically their awareness of transfers of undertakings legislation and preservation of contractual employment rights as defined by TUPE 2006 (as amended). The purpose of the methodology was to collate views, opinions and reactions of care workers with differing levels of skill, knowledge, experience and awareness of the changing nature of the care working industry in an identifiable local geographical area. The interviews were professionally transcribed, the findings catergorised, analysed and presented in this paper across a range of themes capturing orientations towards work, levels of satisfaction in work and awareness of the NMW and its impacts upon the working practices of these care workers. We also balanced these perspectives with semi-structured interviews with owner managers and employee managers in care homes in the same geographical locations.  The paper then explains the law relating to TUPE (as amended) to contextualise the circumstances of the ownership changes caused by sale of care homes by transferors (sellers of the homes) to transferees (buyers of the homes).  The findings show that care workers are trapped in a low wage, low skills, and a low training environment. Career opportunities to develop are limited by these occupational barriers. The notion of TUPE providing a safety net against losing one’s job are not proven as employment is increasingly precarious once ownership regimes change. There is very little awareness of employment rights beyond the interventions provided by trade union officers so that the safety net becomes illusory for most and non-existent for some.

References

• Gardiner, L. and Hussein, S. (2015) As if we cared: The costs and benefits of the living wage for social care workers, Resolution Foundation. March available on http://www.resolutionfoundation.org/publications/as-if-we-cared-the-cost...  
• Grant Thornton (2014) Residential Elderly Care: UK sector review. London: Grant Thornton. Available on http://www.grant-thornton.co.uk/Documents/Private-Residential-Elderly-Ca...
• Low Pay Commission (2015) National Minimum Wage: The Low Pay Commission Report 2105, March 2015, Cm 9017, HMSO.
• Prowse, P., Prowse J. and Snook, J., (2017), “The Living wage and the Social care sector - the case of social care homes”, Paper to the ‘International Labour Process Conference’, Sheffield, UK, April.
• Prowse, P., Prowse J. and Snook, J., (2016),  “Austerity and the Living Wage: the Case of Care Homes in Britain”, Paper to the ‘BUIRA’ conference, ‘Living Wage Stream’, Leeds, UK. July 1-3rd.

Aarron Toal, Durham University Business School

This paper addresses the question how in Europe a common transnational strategy among industrial relations actors and cooperation between actors can evolve over time and what the consequences are. More specifically, if a common transnational strategy and cooperation is beneficial not only for industrial relations actors themselves, but also for the economy and society, is a common strategy evolving by itself on basis of existing formal and informal institutional channels of interactions over time or do we need new institutions, rules and incentives from ‘outside’? And if new institutions and rules are needed which of them are politically feasible and realistic? In other words are the mutual benefits sufficient so that national actors can pull themselves towards a common strategy or, in the case of Europe, do national actors need to be pushed by European ‘authorities’? In any way a common strategy among national actors is a question of transnational coordination between actors which only works under certain conditions. On basis of results of a current research project and of previous case studies the prerequisites and conditions for transnational coordination between actors are identified and integrated in a micro theoretical model of action and interaction. With this approach, different formal and informal institutional channels of interactions are analysed in order to explain how a European ‘system’ of industrial relations can be established and maintained over time.

Europe in need of a new policy agenda

Mary Stylidi, Greek Ministry of Education, Research and Religion Aairs / UNHCR

This presentation has beem cancelled.

Labour migration and stakeholders‘ role in the making of Brexit

Meenakshi Sarkar, Leeds University Business School

This presentation has been cancelled.

The production of ethno-migrant inequality at work

Hans Siebers, Tilburg University

On the one hand, nationalism is on the rise in many parts of Europe. As a movement that understands the world as parcelled out in nation-states that would exist side by side and would constitute the natural framework for social life in general and labour relations in particular (Wimmer and Glick Schiller, 2002), it fuels the ethnicization of migrants and migrant workers as the ethnic ‘others’ as well as the erection of boundaries towards them (Barth, 1969; Wimmer, 2013). This ethnicization of migrants not only takes place in radical right political movements (Rydgren, 2007), but is the unavoidable consequence of nationalism, whether in its current ethno-nationalist (Smith, 1986) or in its civic nationalist (Gellner, 1983) or multiculturalist (Modood, 2013) form.

On the other hand, the distribution of economic capital like jobs and pay is not just guided by rational economic mechanisms and regulations, but is very much influenced by class formation, indexed by social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986). Cultural capital not only refers to one’s educational qualifications (Nohl el at., 2014), but also one’s capacity to create distinction regarding one’s personality and ‘tastes’ (Bourdieu, 1984; Garnett et al., 2008). The branding and profiling of one’s assumed personality or identity traits (Vallas and Christin, 2018) becomes a field of competition between workers. Assumed identity and personality traits, framed as ‘soft skills’ (Grugulis and Stoyanova, 2011), has become a field of HR intervention and labour control that decides upon one’s access to employment, salaries and promotion (Alvesson and Willmott, 2002).

Based on several case studies in the Dutch public sector, triangulating qualitative and quantitative data, I will show:

1. That at least in part access to work and pay is decided by one’s success in profiling one’s performed (Goffman, 1959) personality of identity, as promoted by current HR discourses and policies.
2. That migrants face an uphill battle when having to compete on such personality or identity profiling compared to non-migrants.
3. That these disadvantages stem from nationalist othering discourses becoming operational in personality and identity assessments in application and performance assessment interviews.
4. That such disadvantages constitute a major reason why migrants have less chances for being hired or being promoted.

HR practices of ‘competence management’, coaching, assessment trainings and soft skills training thus provide the mechanisms that allow nationalism to become operational at work.

References

• Alvesson, M., & Willmott, H. (2002). Identity regulation as organizational control: producing the appropriate individual. Journal of Management Studies, 39(5), 619–44.
• Barth, F. (1969) ‘Introduction,’ in F. Barth (ed.) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of Culture Difference, pp. 9-38. Long Grove, Ill.: Waveland Press.
• Bourdieu, P. (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Boston: Harvard University Press.
• Bourdieu, P. (1986) The forms of capital. In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Ed. J. Richardson. Westport, CT: Greenwood, Pp. 241–58.
• Garnett, B., N. Guppy, and G. Veenstra (2008) Careers open to talent: Educational credentials, cultural talent, and skilled employment. Sociological Forum 23(1):144-64.
• Gellner, E. (1983) Nations and Nationalism. Ithaka (NY): Cornell University Press.
• Goffman, E. (1959) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Random House.
• Grugulis, I., & Stoyanova, D. (2011) Skill and performance. British Journal of Industrial Relations, 49(3), 515-36.
• Modood, T. (2013) Multiculturalism, second edition. Cambridge: Polity Press.
• Nohl, A.-M., K. Schittenhelm, O. Schmidtke, and A. Weiβ (2014) Work in Transition: Cultural Capital and Highly Skilled Migrants’ Passages into the Labour Market. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
• Rydgren J (2007) The Sociology of the Radical Right. Annual Review of Sociology 33: 241-262.
• Smith, A. D. (1986) The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Oxford: Blackwell.
• Vallas, S.P., & Christin, A. (2018). Work and Identity in an Era of Precarious Employment: How Workers Respond to “Personal Branding” Discourse. Work and Occupations, 45(1), 3-37.
• Wimmer, A. (2013) Ethnic Boundary Making. Institutions, Power, Networks. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Wimmer, A., and N. Glick Schiller (2002) Methodological Nationalism and Beyond: Nation-State Building, Migration and the Social Sciences. Global Networks, 2(4): 301-334.